This study uses European researcher Tomas Valasek?s hypothesis about factors required for Defence cooperation in order to achieve conditions which can be successfully applied to the Nordic Defence cooperation NORDEFCO. The study uses only Norway and Sweden on the grounds that they are the original actors and the driving forces behind the Defence cooperation. The factors studied are; the countries' strategic culture, solidarity and trust between countries, similarity in military forces, if similar conditions prevail in the defence industry and if the intentions of cooperation have been clarified.Mainly government documents in the form of propositions, orientations and defence documents are studied, together with previous research in this area and, especially, interviews with representatives of NORDEFCO at military level and policy level as well as outside perspectives from the military attachés in each country. With the intention of studying the extent to which the factors Valasek features may prove to be significant in assessing the conditions for enhanced cooperation in NORDEFCO, the study raises the question of how it is possible to find expressions for the factors.

There are changes in Sweden's foreign policy, and Sweden is no longer a non-aligned and neutral nation. Sweden has expressed a willingness to actively participate in creating peace and stability in the world by giving and receiving military assistance in case of war, crisis or disaster. This is described as complete turnaround in Swedish policy compared to the neutrality and non-alignment during the Cold war.However new research shows that Defence cooperation is not new in the Nordic region. Sweden cooperated secretly with Denmark and Norway, two NATO countries, about co-operative defence of Scandinavia during the Cold War.Is our historical picture wrong and what we perceive as new and revolutionized not particularly new? Is today's open Nordic Defence cooperation a continuation of what was done in secret during the Cold War? The essay investigates and compares two different Swedish Defence cooperation?s where one was previously secret and the other is open.

The purpose of this study was to examine and explain Sweden?s defence and security policy during the twenty-first century. The method that was used in this research was a case study. The material that was used were government documents focusing on this area of policy, and numerous books concerning the theoretical perspectives on international relations and defence security policy. The study is of an explaining art and the analysis explains Sweden?s security and defence policy during the twenty-first century. The analysis explains this by testing it against a liberal and a realist view on international relations. The conclusion of the study is that Sweden?s defence and security policy has been liberal during this time period ? and still is.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the Swedish relations to Nato and by doing so see on what terms the cooperation is executed and why. However, Sweden is not a member of Nato and is thereby not seen as an ally of the organization but even so Sweden has a close cooperation with Nato. The theories used in this essay is The Rational Actor Model and The Organizational Behaviour Model by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. To this a number of additional theorises are used as to complement these two main theories. The aim with these theories is to see which one gives the most satisfying explanation of the Swedish strategy to cooperate with Nato and still not be a member of the alliance or if all theorises are needed.

This paper aims to analyze if ground based air defence of the Swedish Defence Forces is sufficiently equipped to protect units serving abroad. The Swedish ground based airdefece has its roots in the era of the cold war but the focus of Swedish Defence Forces has shifted from defending Swedish territory to peace keeping and peace enforcement in foreign countries. First I will take a look at the base factors for ground based air defence units serving in a peace keeping or enforcing mission and then use this to define what abilities you would like to have in a ground based air defence system. Finally I will compare these abilities whit the abilities of the ground based air defence systems that are in use whit the Swedish Defence Forces.My conclusion is that the question can´t be answered on a generel level but every mission has to be analyzed individualy.The author of this paper is Cadet Tobias Jönsson studying at the The Armed Forces Technical School to become an officer in the Swedish Defence Forces..

This study deals with one particular instance of foreign policy change in Sweden; The political take-off for enhanced Nordic Defence and Security Cooperation in the beginning of the 21st century which led to an agreement on a Nordic declaration on slolidarity. The aim of this study is to explain why the political development has undergone a rapid upturn and when such a policy change occur. Its purpose is to explain what factors and conditions that influenced the policy change. It also explores the meaning of the Nordic Declaration of Solidarity. The theoretical point of departure is Foreign Policy Analysis combined with John Kingdons policy-window theory.

Relationships between defence mechanisms and body movements were investigated in regard to three hypothesis; I. that a difference in frequency of body movements correlates to different signs of defence mechanisms, II. that themes of body movements can be identified in regard to signs of defence mechanisms, III. that no significant differences will be found between the different groups of gender. The aim of the study was to seek a relation between quasicommunicative body movements and defence mechanisms.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyse the media debate about feminist self-defence, by pointing out the pros and the cons. The arguments in favour could be separated into three different parts: statistical arguments, psychological arguments and justice arguments. The counter arguments could also be separated into three parts: general arguments, violence-related arguments and gender-related arguments. In short, feminist self-defence is built on women's experiences of men's violence. It contains three different parts to help women avoid violence, threat of violence, insult and sexual harassment.

The ambition of this study is to examine the discussion surrounding the Swedish participation in the European security- and defence policy. By forming feasible areas of arguments the goal is to gain further comprehension in the case of Sweden. These arguments are formed in close relation to the empirical sources; With less public funding there are economic aspects of cooperation, this could also be related to Swedish the industry of defence systems; A high level of participation in the UN is a tradition in Swedish foreign policy, the European battle groups are the perfect tool to further strengthen the UN ability in conflict management and peace keeping missions; Outside the EMU Sweden could face the political margin, to retain influence a high level of activity ought to occur in the integration process; Finally, the future position of United States and NATO is not clear, Europe needs an capacity apart the US to contribute to lasting peace and stability. The arguments are close related to each other, but the main argument is to through ESDP create a tool that will strengthen UN, there is also a wide range of economic arguments related to the industry..

There are many kinds of joint operations and combinations of combined arms. This thesis puts its focus on Close Air Support, CAS. Throughout history there have been several cases of success, regarding these kinds of operations, but also failure. Much can be taught from organizational behaviour studies, applied on these military organisations in their cooperation with each other. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the cooperation between the Swedish army and air force to determine the functionality of their process.

AbstractTitle: DREAMING OF A UNITED ?NORDEN? (The North)? Four central Nordic actors about the progress and extent of Nordic cooperationThe Nordic cooperation are often spoken as in terms of a peaceful international cooperation that is built upon a wide range of similarities among its members, such as a common culture, language similarities and a related kind of political system etc. But in spite of the fact that these so called propitious factors are present, many of the attempts that has been made trying to bring the states of the North (Norden) closer together has turned out unsuccessfully. Therefore no far-reaching Nordic cooperation has come to be implemented. The aim of this essay is to find out what the main reasons could be why this has been the case.I have chosen to take a closer look at the motives given by the former Nordic Prime ministers Tage Erlander (Sweden), Karl August Fagerholm (Finland), Einar Gerardsen (Norway) and Mauno Koivisto (Finland).

Today, it is prescribed by law that authorities should cooperate, especially around vulnerable children. There is a need in Sweden of research about cooperation and the problems that can occur. Hence, this study seeks to examine which structural organizational conditions that affect cooperation in a few consultation groups around violence and sexual abuse against children in Kronobergs län. Another aim is to see which meaning these conditions have for a functioning cooperation. Eight interviews have been done to investigate how different actors felt about cooperation, in the consultation groups.

ABSTRACTThe purpose of our study was to examine how four different organizations cooperate on rehabilitation of people to get them back to employment. More specifically our aim was to investigate how different organizations in a project, involving workrehabilitation, looks at cooperation. Our main questions were vague at the beginning of our study, but finally our focus became clear. The questions were formed with help from the research of Hjortsjö (2006) and Fridolf (2000): Which possibilities and hindrances identify the different organizations which cooperate? What does cooperation mean to the representatives from the different organizations which are included in KARB? Our result shows that the respondents mostly think positive of the project KARB.

The Swedish Military Defence is about to make a large reorganization. Surplus, everything from tanks to personal underwear, enough to equip 800,000 soldiers will be destroyed or sold to the highest bidder. This thesis is a discourse analysis about the argumentation in media between the Military and the enthusiast, who are interested in military vehicles and military surplus..

Abstract; Finding needs of knowledge are important for universities but also for operation in the surrounding area. Teacher, student and other organization have to make efforts to create opportunities to develop knowledge. Without cooperate/ cooperation they can loose possibilities to develop valuable knowledge. How do the organization see upon meanings of the procedures of cooperation? How do they work with and for cooperation? What role should the universities play in the development of knowledge in todays community of change? The aim of this study is to create an understanding for the meaning of cooperation procedure by developing knowledge and how it might bring value.My interest in this is to find the means of procedure of cooperation and to create understanding.